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We report further investigations to aid the development of a Laplace MP2 (second-order Møller Plesset) method with a range separated Coulomb potential partitioned into short- and long-range parts. The implementation of the method extensively uses sparse matrix algebra, density fitting techniques for the short-range part, and a Fourier transformation in spherical coordinates for the long-range part of the potential. Localized molecular orbitals are employed for the occupied space, whereas virtual space is described by orbital specific virtual orbitals (OSVs) associated with localized molecular orbitals. The Fourier transform is deficient for very large distances between localized occupied orbitals, and a multipole expansion for widely separated pairs is introduced for the direct MP2 contribution, which is applicable also to non-Coulombic potentials that do not satisfy the Laplace equation. For the exchange contribution, an efficient screening of contributing localized occupied pairs is employed, which is discussed more completely here. To mitigate errors due to the truncation of OSVs, a simple and efficient extrapolation procedure is used to obtain results close to MP2 for the full basis set of atomic orbitals Using a suitable set of default parameters, the accuracy of the approach is demonstrated. The current implementation of the approach is not very efficient, and the aim of this paper is to introduce and critically discuss ideas that can have more general applicability beyond MP2 calculations for large molecules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature on the impacts of Chinese development finance to developing countries has suggested that China's links to the global economy are contingent on their foreign policy. This study, however, concludes that China's foreign aid was directed not to countries with poor economic conditions, but toward inefficient and mismanaged economies with higher income inequality. We used a negative binomial model with a mixed effect to estimate the relationship between income inequality and China's foreign aid between 2000 and 2017. Our findings show that the more pronounced the income inequality in a state, the more likely it will receive aid from Beijing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1949, Washington and London launched the inaugural Cold War covert action in the Soviet bloc against Albania. Regarded internally as a 'test case', the CIA and MI6 used food and material aid in Operation BGFiend/Valuable to subvert Enver Hoxha's regime, supplementing print and radio propaganda. The US, in particular, attempted to weaponise covert aid, inverting the defensive qualities of its overt counterpart. Although Western officials believed in aid's potential at the outset, tactical and geopolitical challenges damaged its reputation as an effective subversive weapon. This had a long-term impact as aid was discarded in later covert action operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the countries that receive aid from donor agencies, the educational policymaking process is not straightforward because the power and interest of donors contradict with national contexts. This qualitative study aims to investigate how educational policy decisions in Nepal, a country that receives foreign aid for its educational projects, are made. Drawing on the Habermasian conceptualisation of deliberative democracy, I theorise that educational policy decisions are made either through deliberation or decisionism. An analysis of interviews conducted with educational policymakers of Nepal found that policymaking in Nepal follows decisionism in which the representatives of foreign aid agencies are more dominant than national bureaucrats. Even though Nepali bureaucrats and political leaders are involved in the decision-making process, rational interactions do not happen because they want to fulfil their personal interests by endorsing the decisions determined by the donors. This study concludes that because of decisionism, neocolonialism, and dysfunctional policy sphere, teachers, students, parents, and community people are excluded in the decision-making process. The findings are significant not only for understanding the lack of deliberation in the policymaking process but also for improving the educational praxis of aid-recipient countries like Nepal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We estimate the community-level impact of foreign aid projects on women's empowerment in the country with the most complete recent record of geo-coded aid project placement, Malawi. Our estimates can thus be interpreted as the average impact of aid from many different donors and diverse projects. We find that aid in general has a positive impact, in particular on an index of female agency and women's sexual and fertility preferences. Gender-targeted aid has a further positive impact on women's sexual and fertility preferences, and more tentatively on an index focusing on gender-based violence. However, the positive impact of gender-targeted aid disappears in patrilineal communities, and men's attitudes towards female agency in the areas of sexuality and fertility are even negatively affected. This suggests that donors need to consider that the impact of aid on female empowerment can depend on the community context when they decide on aid project design and placement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While many scholars find that security cooperation increases the foreign aid that allies receive from a major power, other studies show that an alliance also has negative effect and its terms can change over time. This article argues that a donor's security environment impacts its participation in security cooperation and, subsequently, foreign aid allocation to allies. When the security environment is competitive, a donor will concentrate its resources on strengthening its ties with allies. In contrast, when the environment is favorable to a donor, it can use security cooperation as leverage to obtain policy concessions from allies, thus reducing its own foreign aid expenditures. This paper analyzes the aid allocation of three major power donors as well as 72 formal defense pacts and 70 bilateral defense cooperation agreements, and it finds that a favorable security environment allows a donor to reduce its economic contribution to its allies by 19 percent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does foreign aid affect recipient countries' labor institutions? Extant empirical evidence is sparse due to ambiguous theoretical predictions and potential endogeneity issues. This study uses data detailing aid flow and institutional functions to mitigate such inconclusiveness and displays originality by constructing a concise theoretical framework in which foreign aid contributes to the improvement of the labor institutions in recipient countries through two mechanisms—economic growth purpose and expected aid attraction. The findings indicate that only aid to enhance local economic growth provides incentives to change domestic labor markets. Such effects have a more crucial influence on labor institutions of minimum wage, collective bargaining rights, and working hours than those related to hiring and firing regulations, mandated costs for worker dismissal, and conscription. For comparison with the actual aid level, we construct forecasted proxies to capture exogenous fluctuations in aid, determining that domestic labor markets can also change via a novel mechanism, as the recipient voluntarily mimics the funder's labor policies in anticipation of receiving future aid, with exact amounts derived from the noninstitutional characteristics of pairs of bilateral recipient and giver economies. Therefore, we provide policy implications for the aid giver on how to secure a continued and increased aid flow and for the aid receivers on which aspects of reforming measures are most effective in enhancing the labor market regulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Successful peacekeeping depends heavily on the conflict parties providing unrestricted consent to the intervention. Consent is, however, often withheld or limited by one or more parties who calculate a higher cost to peace than to continued fighting. We highlight the role of international economic incentives in the form of foreign development aid in overcoming hurdles to obtaining consent. We argue that past aid sends a credible signal of future, post-conflict material benefits if the belligerents work toward peace. This conditionality of future benefits thereby incentivizes the belligerents to work toward peace and stability, including providing unrestricted consent to peacekeeping missions. Analyses of 119 post-Cold War civil wars and a brief narrative of East Timor demonstrate that foreign aid significantly and substantially increases the likelihood of unrestricted consent. The findings have implications for the literature on international influences on domestic political contestation and for research on the effectiveness of peacekeeping operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, the OECD Development Assistance Committee (DAC) created a new policy marker for disaster risk reduction (DRR) to help member states to monitor and report the progress made on the mainstreaming of DRR into their development activities. Drawing on this DRR marker, this study found that DAC members' DRR mainstreaming remains in the incipient stage, with a significant gap between rhetoric and action. Important areas for improvement include a more comprehensive understanding of disaster risk; increased funding for activities principally targeting DRR, larger scale projects; enhanced financial stability without compromising other development objectives; and further integration of DRR and climate change adaption into development projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's space program attracted international admiration in 2023 for becoming the first country to successfully land a craft on the moon's south pole. The program is now in its sixth decade and stands as one of India's most successful technology missions, not least for the hard currency revenues it generates. The reasons for this success are less well known: they include inspired early leadership, considerable foreign assistance, a strategic decision to leapfrog traditional "stages of growth," and relative autonomy from India's powerful state bureaucracy. Over the years, the space program has moved from being a developmental focus to serving as a lens through which the nation views itself and its place in the world. The essay closes by imagining what its founders would think of the space program today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the role of accounting in disaster mitigation and the importance of transparency to avoid corruption. During the Ukrainian war, accounting has allowed the redistribution of war material, the quantification of economic aid, or the efficient management of humanitarian aid. This paper aims to set a research agenda on transparency and corruption in foreign aid to a fragile and conflict‐affected country. In order to analyze the situation of corruption in Ukraine during the war, first a review of the latest corrupt events is carried out and its position in the Corruption Perception Indicator is analyzed. Subsequently, we analyze the aid that Ukraine has received from other countries and institutions, and whether it is transparent. The possible dependence of the Corruption Perception Indicator on the transparency index of each country in the management of aid to Ukraine is studied. This article links corruption, transparency and accounting in the context of the Ukrainian war, highlighting the important role of auditing and financial controls, and presents proposals for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to much of the extant literature, the paper devises a composite security burden measure for the NATO alliance that accounts for three different contributions by allies to their collective security: namely, military expenditure (ME), foreign assistance, and UN peacekeeping spending. Generally, NATO defense burden sharing and free riding are judged solely based on ME even though foreign assistance and peacekeeping promote world prosperity, stabilize regimes, and quell conflicts that affect NATO's collective security. Our parametric tests for free riding apply a spatial-lag panel model, which addresses the interdependency issues, to a broader security-spending measure that accounts for allies' membership, contiguity, and inverse distance. In all spatial models, we uncover robust evidence of free riding where allies decrease their aggregate security spending in response to increases in the collective security spending of other allies. We apply a panel generalized method of moments (GMM) estimator to adjust for endogeneity concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs the concept of multidimensional heritage to examine colonial statues in Africa since the era of independences through transnational, diachronic, and multi-thematical perspectives. Colonial statues are viewed as transnational phenomena, with a focus on the African continent, emphasising the complex and evolving connections to former colonial powers in Europe. To capture the complexity of heritage uses, which is often best comprehended over an extended period, a diachronic approach is employed, and three periods are considered: colonial statues at independence (1950s to 1980); revival of (neo)colonial statues (1990s-2000s) and renewed contestations (since the 2010s). The paper also delves into various ways in which the past is used and interpreted through colonial statues, discussing aspects such as public memory, identities, diplomacy, aid, and justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study investigated the relationship and hence impact of foreign capital outflows on stock market performance in Nigeria for the period 1986 to 2021. Specifically, we examined how foreign direct investments outflow (FDIO), foreign portfolio investments outflow (FPIO), foreign remittances outflow (FRO), official development assistance outflow (ODAO), interest rate (INTR) and inflation rate (INFR) affected stock market performances (STMP) in Nigeria. The study employed the autoregressive distributed lags (ARDL) for the analysis of data. The Augmented Dickey fuller (ADF) Unit root tests were used to ascertain the series properties of the variables while the Correlation analysis was conducted to ascertain the degree of relationship between the dependent and independent variables. The results showed that, foreign direct investments outflow (FDIO) and other development assistance outflow (ODAO) have significant negative relationship with stock market performance in Nigeria while foreign portfolio investments outflow (FPIO) and interest rate (INTR) has a weak positive relationship with stock market performance in Nigeria. However, inflation rate (INFR) does not have any significant impact on stock market performance in Nigeria. The study therefore recommends that there is need to improve the investment climate in Nigeria because, one of the major factors that promotes foreign capital outflow is the risky investment climate. This can be done by formulating deliberate investment policies to strengthen the productivity of the monetary system especially the financial market which main goal is to move funds from the surplus unit of the economy to its deficit unit. Also, policies that will discourage capital outflow in the form of remittances outflow, such as capping the repatriation of a proportion of domestic earnings to reduce financial constraints, strengthen investment domestically as well as increase tax revenue, should be vigorously pursued by policy makers and the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western donors have progressively increased the amount of foreign aid allocated through bypass channels, particularly for recipients with weak domestic institutions. Rather than giving money directly to recipient governments, aid is given to non-governmental organizations working on the ground in those countries. Explanations for this shift range from increased donor attention to effectiveness, a desire to deliver assistance directly to those in need, and enhanced legitimacy by working with local civil society partners. Donors, however, face a trade-off when deciding whether or not to allocate aid through bypass channels. Because bypass aid is not given directly to the recipient government, the donor has less leverage to prop up friendly regimes or buy policy concessions. We argue that as donors balance competing motivations, geo-strategic incentives can, at times, trump concerns regarding best practices of poverty alleviation. Using data on bypass aid from 2004 to 2019, we find that donor's commitment to good governance is ameliorated in strategically important recipient states. Strategic partners who improve their domestic governance are rewarded with less bypass aid (more government-to-government aid) at higher rates than less strategic recipients. These results highlight potential limitations of the good governance movement in foreign aid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aid effectiveness is widely understood to suffer when multiple donors operate in the same space, but recent studies indicate benefits of fragmentation. We posit that these mixed findings may reflect differences across aid sectors — and also show how the level of implementation can condition the interpretation of results. Cross-national time-series analysis of 152 countries implies aid fragmentation can promote child survival and improve governance. However, analysis of subnational variation in Sierra Leone and Nigeria suggests the presence of more donors is associated with worse health outcomes, but better governance outcomes. Having more donors in a locality may thus be beneficial when they are working to improve the systems through which policies are implemented, but harmful if they target policy outcomes directly. A survey of Nigerian civil servants suggests potential mechanisms: fragmentation in health aid may lead to internal "brain drain" and pressure to alter projects, whereas diversity in governance aid might promote meritocratic behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The enormous volume of literature has widely discussed the aid–growth correlation while identification of their causal relationship remains elusive and mixed. The main objective of this article is to investigate whether aid sources matter for explaining the aid–growth causal nexus among African low‐income countries (LICs) during 2000–2017. A novel feature of this study is that it takes into account three proxies of aid (i.e. total aid [TA], traditional donors' aid [TDA], non‐TDA [NTDA]), unlike most studies that use aid solely from TDs (TDA). It employs a dynamic panel causality model in a multivariate setting using investment and consumption as key conditioning variables to account for omitted variable bias. The study found a short‐run bidirectional causality between aid and growth for TA and TDA proxies but not for NTDA in neither direction. In the long‐run, the study found unidirectional causality from growth to aid for TA and NTDA aid but not for TDA. The overall result shows that the aid–growth causality among African LICs depends on the aid proxies used and the time horizon assessed. A key policy implication is that donors' aid allocation decisions in LICs should take into account the specific causal relationship between aid and growth by aid sources and time periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary research on so-called Nordic branding has provided crucial insights into the social power of states and how various actors use and circulate 'progressive' nation brand tropes for political and commercial goals. Hitherto, the literature on Nordic branding has focused on a wide range of substantive issues, among other things, human rights, gender equality, social welfare and foreign aid, but considerably less attention has been paid to the topic of security. The present article adds to a small but established literature on how the security sphere is increasingly entangled with nation branding. In the Nordic region, we argue, the latter is particularly evident in the case of Sweden – one of the world's largest per-capita arms exporters in the post-Cold War era but also a country known and often revered for its peaceful and progressive image. Focusing on the case of Sweden, the article contributes to knowledge of how defence industry-related actors (both public and private) draw on and frame nation branding tropes to sell and legitimise their products and services to both insiders (domestic constituents) and outsiders (the global security market). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous parts of the developing world are afflicted by pollution and poison from both man-made and natural sources. Efforts to mitigate these environmental contaminants are often inherently political, and it is difficult to discern if those efforts reach all intended beneficiaries. We argue that as spatial precision increases, it is likely that donors lose control of foreign aid. Using geo-spatial data, we find evidence in Bangladesh that efforts to mitigate groundwater arsenic are generally directed to broad areas with higher levels of contamination. However, within those areas, we find that mitigation measures supported by foreign aid only reduce arsenic when they are located near (politically important) exporting firms. We argue that this supports a political economy rationale wherein donors may be able to target their assistance at a mezzo level, while powerful socio-economic interests are able to capture and direct resources at a micro level, potentially exacerbating intra- country inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign aid is a controversial tool for helping developing countries achieve economic growth and welfare. Nevertheless, the early 2000s saw a rise in development assistance dedicated to the health sector. The concept of sustainable development highlights the importance of a healthy population to achieve overall development. Using a dataset containing Official Development Assistance channelled towards 100 countries between 2002 and 2020, this paper studies the effect of health aid on health outcomes. To test aid effectiveness, regression models are estimated using infant mortality and life expectancy as proxies for health outcomes. The analyses show that health aid has a positive effect on population health. Moreover, this study tests whether domestic government health expenditure can give further insights into the complex relationship between aid and health improvements. Results yield no significant effect of health aid on public health expenditure; hence no mediation effect can be found. Findings are robust to varying controls and an instrumental variable approach, where two-year lagged health aid is used as instrument. Results also suggest that socioeconomic factors like urbanisation have a positive effect on health outcomes, which implies that population health depends on many factors besides monetary resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As donors channel more of their development assistance through private companies, a discussion is growing on what this shift means for international development. This paper focuses on four Central European donors, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, who have recently implemented new incentives to promote the greater engagement of the private sector in their international development programmes. The paper uses new survey data of project managers at organisations implementing aid projects funded by these four donors to explore how private actors differ in their approaches to aid implementation. The analysis reveals that the type of implementing organisation does not affect their focus on internal project goals (budget, schedule, and scope), but project managers at private firms consider long-term impact and economic sustainability of the project less important. These findings support claims that for-profit organisations exercise a short-term approach to satisfy funders, but lack a deeper focus on long-term development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Billions in development aid is provided annually by international donors in the Majority World, much of which funds health equity. Yet, common neocolonial practices persist in development that compromise what is done in the name of well-intentioned policymaking and programming. Based on a qualitative analysis of fifteen case studies presented at a 2022 conference, this research examines trends involving unethical partnerships, policies, and practices in contemporary global health. The analysis identifies major modern-day issues of harmful policy and programming in international aid. Core issues include inequitable partnerships between and representation of international stakeholders and national actors, abuse of staff and unequal treatment, and new forms of microaggressive practices by Minority World entities on low-/middle-income nations (LMICs), made vulnerable by severe poverty and instability. When present, these issues often exacerbate institutionalized discrimination, hostile work environments, ethnocentrism, and poor sustainability in development. These unbalanced systems perpetuate a negative development culture and can place those willing to speak out at risk. At a time when the world faces increased threats including global warming and new health crises, development and global health policy and practice must evolve through inclusive dialogue and collaborative effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rarely, if ever, has a Finnish general election attracted such foreign media interest. Reporters came from across the globe, not to witness Finland become NATO's thirty-first member-state on 4 April, two days after the general election, but to see if the party-loving Social Democrat prime minister Sanna Marin could secure a second term at the helm.1 In the event, Marin became only the third prime minister in recent times to increase the party vote, albeit by not quite enough, and she promptly indicated she would stand down as party leader. The election was won by the two main opposition parties, the National Coalition and Finns Party. The National Coalition became the largest parliamentary party for only the second time in its history, whilst the Finns Party gained over one-fifth of the national poll for the first time and became the largest party on the basis of the popular vote in no less than half the 12 mainland constituencies. Despite their deep differences on major policy issues – including immigration, taxation, development aid and climate policy – the National Coalition and Finns Party ultimately formed the core of a centre-right government, although it took almost to midsummer to do so, and it was then characterised by a minor coalition party leader as an 'unhappy marriage' made out of necessity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's emergence as a major donor and economic partner to sub-Saharan Africa has prompted questions if the aims and impacts of China's efforts in the region are driven by self-serving commercial motives. While there are strong reasons to think that the foreign aid may make a location more attractive to investment, generally, by improving the infrastructural, institutional, or human capital environment and/or by serving as a signal of a location's risk, there is also reason to suspect that Chinese aid may be "paving the way" for investment by Chinese firms. To investigate, this paper uses spatial and temporal variations in localized, geo-referenced data to find a strong overall support that local aid boosts local foreign direct investment (FDI). However, we also find some evidence that Chinese aid boosts its own FDI compared to FDI from third-party countries; but this differential effect is also visible with the Chinese FDI's response to the World Bank aid as well as in the relationship between both aid and FDI from the USA, suggesting that the Chinese FDI may simply be following any aid and that the relationship between its aid and FDI is not exceptional among bilateral donors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign aid plays a critical role in actualising pro-women outcomes in the Global South. However, there is a paucity of research on how gender and political ideology inform gender-oriented foreign aid to sub-Saharan countries. This study examines how gender and political ideology inform the trends of women-focused foreign aid donations from Australia, Canada, Finland, and Germany to sub-Saharan African nations from 2002 to 2016. During this period, government leaders and ministers in the donor countries were from different genders and political ideologies. The study reveals that female heads of government gave more women-focused aid to sub-Saharan Africa than male heads of government. The study also found that right-wing heads of government allocated more women-focused assistance to sub-Saharan Africa than left-wing politicians. This study points to the importance of the active role of female heads of government in effectively mainstreaming and furthering the idea of gender equality on a global scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The donation and sale of vaccines are diplomatic tools that have impact well beyond health policies. May Chinese Covid-related vaccine diplomacy be understood beyond reactive terms vis-à-vis power disputes with the West, in particularly the United States? We then scrutinize the drivers of China's vaccine diplomacy, assessing whether Beijing privileged the expansion of its diplomatic leverage in the Global South. By employing logit and tobit models in the analysis of a cross-sectional dataset covering 213 countries, we examine the probability of countries receiving vaccines from China. We find that low-income states, in particular, and middle-income ones and those with more Covid deaths were more likely to receive vaccines through either donations or purchases. For donations, states that integrate the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and/or oppose the United States at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) were also privileged. China's vaccine diplomacy has therefore a twofold purpose. First, the expansion of the country's soft power in the Global South. Second, the consolidation of the BRI bilateral ties and an anti-US allied network. Hence, current global health initiatives cannot be detached from debates on the contestation of the liberal international order (LIO) and China's dual role as a responsible stakeholder and most successful emerging power that has the potential to challenge American hegemony. Moreover, the findings also suggest that bilateral donor-recipient flows may be less politicized than what prior works on development aid and health diplomacy have claimed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the issue of how to increase the productive capacity of less developed and/or developing countries has been discussed by many international organizations and researchers. Development aid is one of the factors that significantly affects the productive capacity of these countries. The aim of the study is to investigate whether sectoral development aid has an impact on productive capacity. The study covers the period 2002-2018 and 84 countries. According to the findings of the analysis using the panel data analysis, Social Infrastructure and Services Aid has a statistically significant and negative effect on productivity capacity, while Production Sector Aid has a significant but positive effect. No statistically significant findings were found for Economic Infrastructure and Services Aid and Multi-Sector / Cross-Cutting Aid. GDP per capita, labor force participation rate and trade openness, which are used as control variables in the model, have statistically significant and positive effects on productivity capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin America and Costa Rica were preferred spaces for the formulation of population and family planning policies during the second half of the 20th century. Given the fears generated by the rapid population increase, the "underdeveloped" regions were the destination of economic aid and technical training to implement the new methods that were being developed. This article aims to analyze the scientific and political discursive deployment that occurs in Costa Rica because of the beginning of the national family planning program, starting from 1957 --the year in which the First Demography Seminar is held-- until 1978, when there are important operational and institutional transformations in the program. Journalistic sources, reports from Costa Rican demographic seminars, interviews with important figures involved in family planning in the country, as well as theses and investigations that were developed during the period, were used. A plurality of voices from different academic disciplines stands out, which intervened in the debate. Despite the discrepancies and frictions, the common idea that permeated these discussions was the need for planning methods to be accessible to the bulk of the population, and for these to be voluntary. Examining the ideas that circulated during this context is essential to understand part of the social imaginary linked to the issues of population, family, and sexuality, as well as to understand the changes and discursive continuities around contemporary issues that continue to generate controversy at the political and social level. such as women's reproductive rights, responsible parenthood, and bodily autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Ecological by Design: A History from Scandinavia" by Kjetil Fallan is a comprehensive exploration of the intersection of ecology and design in Scandinavia during the 1960s and 1970s. Fallan, a professor of design history at the University of Oslo, examines the emergence of eco-design and its interaction with environmentalism. The book covers various topics such as consumerism, ecological systems of thought, design and development aid, the UN Conference on the Human Environment, and the Danish windmill revolution. Fallan's approach weaves together cultural, technological, political, architectural, and personal histories to present a nuanced and global understanding of the era. The book is a valuable resource for researchers interested in environmentalism, design, and the complexities of eco-design. [Extracted from the article]

The Declaration of Alma-Ata remains one of the momentous documents of public health. Its origins lie both in postwar efforts to improve population health in low-income countries and in social medicine promoted decades earlier in Europe. For industrialized countries in East and West, Alma-Ata, therefore, should have provided health-related guidelines both for domestic and foreign policy, though political interpretations of the social components of medicine and health differed. Due to its unique history of ideologically informed division after 1945, Germany forms a fascinating case study. Important German contributions to the early social medicine discourse fed into ideas of primary health care, the basis of the Alma-Ata process. However, the concept found little resonance in domestic policies. After World War II, the two Germanys chose different paths for health systems but were similarly reluctant to address the social dimension of health in their cooperation with Africa, Asia, and Latin America. In the 1970s, new international health concepts and civil society discussions about "development aid" caused changes in West German policies. No such discussions took place in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), where Alma-Ata was interpreted as a confirmation of the domestic health system. Thus, ironically, West German health workers pursued a keener policy of principles of social medicine in their partner countries than the GDR government, which considered its role in the global transformation of health care mainly fulfilled by serving as a model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of Israeli architectural aid in Sub-Saharan Africa during the period of decolonization and the Cold War. It highlights how Israel positioned itself as a postcolonial nation-state and used its settler colonial experience to offer an alternative development model to African countries. The author examines specific projects in Sierra Leone, Nigeria, and Ethiopia to demonstrate how Israeli architects adapted their knowledge to suit the unique challenges of each country. The article suggests that further research should explore the agency of African stakeholders and how they transformed or resisted the built environment created through these collaborations. [Extracted from the article]

International relations literature generally tells us that donor countries see foreign aid as a key instrument of foreign policy to promote political interests. According to research, donor countries usually hope to get favorable voting at the United Nations (UN) arena in return, meaning that the motivation for foreign aid is not so altruistic. This article examines these claims and discusses the link between foreign aid, bilateral relations, and voting patterns in the UN General Assembly while focusing on Israeli foreign aid to five East African countries, using data on Israel's foreign aid and data on voting patterns from 2012 to 2021. The results testify that Israel foreign aid has helped to promote ties with Ethiopia, Kenya, South Sudan, Uganda, and Tanzania, but has not helped to promote voting patterns in favor of Israel. The results reveal a duality according to which the bilateral relations between Israel and East African countries have improved, but there has been no improvement in their voting patterns in a way that raises questions about the success level of using foreign aid as a tool to promote a favorable UN voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares two East African unconditional cash transfer (UCT) programs and how they have been interpreted by their target populations. While the US‐American NGO GiveDirectly focuses on poor households in Western Kenya in an allegedly unbureaucratic and digital way, the Tanzania Social Action Fund (TASAF) distributes cash transfers in a bureaucratic and analogue manner in Tanzania. While the narrative of "free money" instilled fears about occult actors and skepticism toward political hierarchies in some recipients, others considered UCTs as offering an opportunity to enlarge their individual freedom. We argue that this radical difference with regard to how our interlocutors interpreted UCTs was catalyzed by the portrayal of "free money" as a context‐independent carrier and store of value or, in other words, by UCT's socially produced "indeterminacy." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some states comply with international agreements while others flout them? In this article, I introduce a previously unconsidered explanation: bureaucratic structure. I develop a rational choice model examining the impact of bureaucratic structure on compliance, suggesting that the existence of several distinct bureaucracies can mute compliance with an international agreement by insulating some bureaucrats from pressure to comply. I examine this theory through newly coded data on a 2001 OECD agreement designed to decrease the percentage of aid that is "tied" to donor‐state products and services—a practice that is popular among special interests but which decreases foreign aid's effectiveness. I find that non–development‐oriented bureaucracies, such as departments of interior, labor, and energy, were significantly less likely to comply with the agreement than traditional development bureaucracies. This aggregates to the state level as well, where states with many aid agencies were less compliant than states with a streamlined bureaucracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Investing in girls' schooling in low‐ and middle‐income countries (LMICs) is seen as central to improving gender equity. It is argued that interventions to promote girls' enrolment are appropriate as girls face gendered barriers to school enrolment and completion and investing in girls' schooling has high economic and human development returns. But is this fair to boys and enough for girls? Purpose: We ask how appropriate it is to direct development assistance towards improving girls' school enrolment, compared to prioritizing schooling for both girls and boys, and addressing barriers to gender equality throughout the life course. Methods and approach: We frame the enquiry through a human development framework with three distinct but interdependent domains: protection of human development potential; realization of human development potential; and use of human development potential. Using publicly available data, we identify indicators that are likely to be correlated with the degree to which human development potential is protected, realized, and utilized in LMICs. We compare male and female outcomes on each of these indicators to assess gender parity at different life stages. Findings: In most regions, girls are ahead of boys in both school enrolment and completion. Girls have better outcomes than boys in several other indicators in early life and childhood. In adolescence and adulthood, girls and women fall behind boys and men. This is especially apparent in workforce participation, in unemployment, in pay, and in share of unpaid care work and political participation, where women have less favourable outcomes than men. The bias against women is most marked in South Asia and sub‐Saharan Africa. Policy implications: A focus on girls' schooling should be tempered by ensuring quality pre‐primary, primary, and secondary schooling for both boys and girls. At the same time, we must address causes of gender inequality, including labour market discrimination and social norms that justify the exclusion and exploitation of women and girls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Elaborated in their current form in Busan in 2011, and reiterated in Geneva in 2022, the four Principles of Effective Development Co‐operation comprise country ownership, focus on results, inclusive partnerships, and transparency and mutual accountability. Framed to guide more effective development assistance, their measurement and impact has not been systematically studied. Purpose: We ask, what do we know about adherence to the principles and better development outcomes? What can we learn about this relationship using the Global Partnership for Effective Development Co‐operation's (GPEDC) monitoring framework? Methods and approach: We define and measure adherence to the four principles using the GPEDC framework and indicators. We then explore the association between these indicators and development outcomes (for example, economic growth and poverty) using correlation, descriptive analysis, and analysis of data quality. Finding s : Across countries, the empirical relationship between the currently available GPEDC data and the development outcomes is tenuous at best. Shortcomings in the data explain much of the lack of evidence. Some shortcomings could be easily fixed with adjustments to the indicators and data collection, but many relate to inherent challenges in measuring the four principles. Policy implications: A more precise definition of indicators of adherence to the principles, with a wider coverage of countries and with annual measurement, would help—not necessarily for their instrumental value, but as much, if not more, to raise the profile of the principles themselves. The universally agreed objectives of strengthening international partnerships and co‐operation, as well as of building inclusive, effective, accountable, and transparent institutions as declared in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, are goals well worth pursuing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine the nexus between foreign development assistance and the attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) through a de facto political power, as an aid-seeking and likely aid-dependent group. We apply structural equation modelling to investigate the direct and indirect effect of aid on FDI via economic institutions for a sample of 42 African countries from 2002 to 2016. Our results corroborate a direct positive effect of aid and institutions on FDI as a productive financial source. However, an aid-dependent de facto political power does not improve the economic institutions, and within a broad institutional context, it may even worsen them, evidencing the indirect effect of reducing a country's attractiveness for FDI. This study offers robust evidence under different specifications and variables of institutions in addition to several controls for political and strategic interests and economic conditions. We ultimately develop a model explaining why aid barely makes any contribution to institutional reforms. In countries that are heavily dependent on aid, the beneficiary group is discouraged from improving institutional qualities as the source of benefits would be discontinued. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global campaigns to control HIV, tuberculosis, malaria, and vaccine-preventable illnesses showed that large-scale impact can be achieved by using additional international financing to support selected, evidence-based, high-impact investment areas and to catalyse domestic resource mobilisation. Building on this paradigm, we make the case for targeting additional international funding for selected high-impact investments in primary health care. We have identified and costed a set of concrete, evidence-based investments that donors could support, which would be expected to have major impacts at an affordable cost. These investments are in: (1) individuals and communities empowered to engage in health decision making, (2) a new model of people-centred primary care, and (3) next generation community health workers. These three areas would be supported by strengthening two cross-cutting elements of national systems. The first is the digital tools and data that support facility, district, and national managers to improve processes, quality of care, and accountability across primary health care. The second is the educational, training, and supervisory systems needed to improve the quality of care. We estimate that with an additional international investment of between US$1·87 billion in a low-investment scenario and $3·85 billion in a high-investment scenario annually over the next 3 years, the international community could support the scale-up of this evidence-based package of investments in the 59 low-income and middle-income countries that are eligible for external financing from the World Bank Group's International Development Association. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The failures of the international COVID-19 response highlighted key gaps in pandemic preparedness and response (PPR). The G20 and WHO have called for additional funding of $10.5 billion per year to adequately strengthen the global PPR architecture. In response to these calls, in 2022 the World Bank announced the launch of a new Financial Intermediary Fund (The Pandemic Fund) to catalyse this additional funding. However, there is considerable unclarity regarding the governance makeup and financial modalities of the Pandemic Fund, and divergence of opinion about whether the Fund has been successfully designed to respond to key challenges in global health financing. Methods/Results: The article outlines eight challenges associated with global health financing instruments and development aid for health within the global health literature. These include misaligned aid allocation; accountability; multistakeholder representation and participation; country ownership; donor coherency and fragmentation; transparency; power dynamics, and; anti-corruption. Using available information about the Pandemic Fund, the article positions the Pandemic Fund against these challenges to determine in what ways the financing instrument recognizes, addresses, partially addresses, or ignores them. The assessment argues that although the Pandemic Fund has adopted a few measures to recognise and address some of the challenges, overall, the Pandemic Fund has unclear policies in response to most of the challenges while leaving many unaddressed. Conclusion: It remains unclear how the Pandemic Fund is explicitly addressing challenges widely recognized in the global health financing literature. Moreover, there is evidence that the Pandemic Fund might be exacerbating these global financing challenges, thus raising questions about its potential efficacy, suitability, and chances of success. In response, this article offers four sets of policy recommendations for how the Pandemic Fund and the PPR financing architecture might respond more effectively to the identified challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Gambia and the United Kingdom (UK) had cordial relations from 1965 until 1994 when a military coup led by Yahya AJJ Jammeh resulted in sanctions, accusations of misrule and the expulsion of British diplomats. When Jammeh lost the December 2016 presidential elections to Adama Barrow, the UK declared a new era of cordial relationship with the Gambia. Barrow in turn promised the Gambia's return to the Commonwealth. This article provides an analysis of the Gambia's relations with the UK and the Commonwealth, arguing that these relationships can be divided into three eras, each reflecting the nature of Gambian politics under different presidents; 1965–1994 is referred to as the golden era of relations, followed by the tumultuous years of 1994–2016, and then the years since 2017, characterised as a 'normalising' period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic saw many restrictions on the provision of emergency medical service (EMS) training through actual field trips (AFTs), requiring a search for alternatives. This study aimed to assess trainees’ reactions to virtual field trips (VFTs) and determine the characteristics of instructional design for successful VFTs using edited videos and expert interviews. Methods: This study evaluated Uzbekistan trainees’ reactions to the VFT of EMS training using questionnaires in three categories: satisfaction, relevance, and engagement. Factors of satisfaction and dissatisfaction were identified through open-ended questions. Results: A total of 286 trainees responded to the survey during 15 educational sessions conducted from 2020 to 2022. The trainees’ responses to the VFT were positive. Overall mean scores were 4.65±0.49, 4.63±0.50, and 4.63±0.50 out of 5 points for satisfaction, relevance, and engagement, respectively. The trainees reported that the most interesting and helpful videos concerned the introduction of an EMS training curriculum and the observation of training facilities, such as the simulation centers of educational institutes. The leading causes of satisfaction were (1) authenticity of the VFTs, (2) easy-to-understand content, and (3) relevance to the job. The trainees suggested that Uzbek or Russian voice-overs would be better than subtitles in the video clip for focusing on VFT. Conclusion: In situations where AFTs are not available, VFTs using edited videos and expert interviews are a good alternative to EMS education. Based on these results, it is possible that AFTs could be replaced by VFTs using qualified videos with designed instructions as a distance learning method under specific conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does foreign aid change local attitudes toward gender equality? Drawing on a theory of norm diffusion through intervention, we contend that when donors integrate norms into aid projects, such norms can be diffused to individuals in recipient countries. The World Bank and China are two comparable donors to examine this relationship. We matched the geocoded aid projects of the two donors from AidData and Afrobarometer surveys in Africa to test our hypotheses. Our strategy is to compare respondents' attitudes toward gender equality who were near a site where the project had been implemented at the time of the interview to those who were close to a site where the project would be started after the interview. We find that the World Bank aid increases local support for gender equality and the results differ across sectors and gender. Aid going to gender-sensitive sectors has the most significant impact on women's attitudes toward gender equality. In contrast, Chinese aid shows no similar effects. This study sheds light on the linkage between aid and social norm change and is expected to exert implications for policymakers and development practitioners adventuring in the land of aid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Dutch disease phenomenon has been related to foreign inflows into emerging economies in particular, including foreign aid, migrant’s remittances, and foreign direct investment. A surge in these inflows is expected to yield a rise in the real exchange rate. Recipient countries have seen a decline in industry as a result of the rise in the non-marketable sector and the slump in the marketable sector. This study empirically investigates the mechanisms of real exchange rate adjustments to migrant remittances, ODA, and FDI toward emerging economies. For the analysis covering the years 2001–2020, dynamic panel data approaches, difference GMM and system GMM, are used to investigate the incidence of Dutch Disease in 84 emerging economies. Numerous econometric studies have shown that Dutch Disease does exist in emerging economies. The Dutch Disease theory is supported by an expanded study that has included the empirical analysis of both industrial (marketable) and service (non- marketable) sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education aid comprises an essential part of Turkey's overall development assistance, often given special attention as a part of its soft power and public diplomacy. The current study aims to examine Turkey's activism in international education through education aid. It is argued that Turkey's rise as an education aid donor country is mainly the result of a transformation in its foreign policy, of which education aid is an increasingly prominent part. Recipient needs, fragile state priority, cultural affinity, and donor self-interest are the primary rationales for the provision of education aid, and its sustainability depends on solving certain substantial economic and geopolitical issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses a special issue of the Development Policy Review journal that aims to elevate the voices and perspectives of Pacific scholars on foreign aid and development issues in the region. The special issue was prompted by the low publication rates for authors from the global South in development journals. The articles in the special issue cover a range of topics, including power asymmetries in aid relationships, the importance of adapting aid to diverse contexts, the need for donors to listen to local voices, and the resilience of Pacific communities. The authors hope that this collection of articles will provide valuable insights and promote a better understanding of aid in the Pacific. [Extracted from the article]

Motivation: Pacific aid research has largely focused on national issues and social justice, rather than spatial justice and the development of remote outer islands. In particular, the perspectives of remote outer island populations on aid have not previously been assessed. Purpose: This study explores the experiences and views of the population of a remote Pacific outer island, Mauke in the Cook Islands, on the foreign aid they receive. By listening to and learning from local people living with aid on a remote outer island, this article seeks to address spatially insensitive Pacific aid research and policy. Based on these insights, the article derives policy implications for aid and development actors working on Mauke and other remote outer islands in the Pacific. Methods and approach: Employing a mixed‐methods approach, this article draws on field research conducted on Mauke, involving in‐depth semi‐structured interviews and a quantitative survey. Findings: The people of Mauke are divided about whether the island should receive more or less aid. Those calling for more aid tend to be younger; they stress the need for infrastructure development. Those advocating for less aid tend to be older; they argue that aid has harmed Mauke by decreasing endogenous initiatives and creating social tensions, both of which reduce social cohesion among the remote island population. Policy implications: Rather than investing in "community‐based/−led development"—doing development with the community, aid to remote Pacific outer islands should focus more on "community development"—with the aim of enhancing social cohesion among peripheral islands. Donors, governments, and development partners must carefully reflect on the degree to which their interventions may harm social cohesion and the endogenous development potential of remote outer island populations. These implications matter given the persistence of uncritical (mis)representations and (mis)conceptions of remote Pacific outer island populations as harmonious and mutually supportive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: Through a Fiji case analysis, this article elaborates on how well‐intentioned foreign aid initiatives can result in maladaptation for local communities. When most well‐intentioned foreign aid institutions become aware of development problems in the Pacific Island Countries, they start planning development interventions. However, maladaptation can occur where there is insufficient community input, creating conditions that worsen situations and make communities more vulnerable. Purpose: The study highlights a way to improve the sustainability and effectiveness of development projects with local communities by analysing two case studies. One is a community project driven by a civil society organization (CSO) and the other is community‐driven development (CDD) project in Fiji. Approach and methods: The researcher engaged in community field studies while working as a civil servant in Fiji for 12 years and has continued these studies as a researcher for five years. The data used in this article are both experiential and research‐based. Action research took place when the author supported CDD programmes based on traditional farming. This study provides a longitudinal view that includes critical auto‐ethnography and talanoa. Findings: This study finds that the CSO did not appreciate community aspirations and local knowledge, leading to community maladaptation in response to their programme intervention. By contrast, CDD in the same locale saw community members take control of strategizing, carrying out development activities, and monitoring. This directly contributed to community resilience and collective well‐being, in addition to making the CDD activities more sustainable than those dependent on donor funding. Policy implications: This article showcases the value of CDD for Pacific communities and the importance of accounting for local aspirations and worldviews. Thus, policies in Pacific Island Countries should ensure that any community development programmes respect people's culture and understand their notions of well‐being and resilience, and so contribute to more self‐determined development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: As in much of the Pacific, Samoans understand their culture through Western religious lenses. Christianity and fa'a‐Samoa (culture and practices) are entangled; they determine Samoa's daily reality of governance, society, and economic development. To discuss Samoa's development over the past two centuries without addressing Samoan agency in maintaining the Christian mantle to navigate their worldviews would be to misrepresent modern Samoa. Policy and investment for economic development, especially foreign aid, is largely determined at national level. Samoa's most vital communities to effect change, however, are local: church congregations and their leaders. Purpose: I examine the intersections of religiosity and Samoa's development. Should foreign aid donors consider Samoa's religious communities to implement effective education, poverty, and development programmes if religion is regarded as a cultural entity? Methods and approach: I used talanoa to collect data from discussions with directors of two leading aid donors in Samoa, the United Nations (UN) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), and the Aid Coordinator for the Government of Samoa. Talanoa is a face‐to‐face dialogue often used in Pacific communities. Finding s : Religion plays a significant role in Samoan society. Samoans view economic development, the improvement of the lives of ordinary citizens, job stability, and education as part of the manuia (blessings) of Samoa's religious and political status and community tapuaiga (prayers). That said, religion is not considered in formal discussions of aid and development. The interviewees agree that aid donors should understand the role of religion in daily society. Policy implications: Perhaps it is time for aid donors and Christian Pacific Island countries to use these unorthodox methods for positive economic and social changes. As stated in Samoa's World Summit on Sustainable Development Assessment Report, "the potential influential standing and the extensive outreach of the church within the community makes it a valuable vehicle to drive pro‐harmony strategies" (Government of Samoa, 2000). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: This research brings a Pacific Islands‐centred perspective into the discussion of foreign aid and climate mobility. Climate‐related migration is a crucial issue in Oceania as climate change is increasingly affecting Pacific Islanders. In this context, the Pacific Islands are typically seen as migrant‐sending countries to places outside the region. Inter‐Pacific Islands migration (IPIM) is barely recognized. Purpose: Should foreign aid consider climate‐related IPIM? This article focuses on Fiji to: (1) assess current knowledge on migration between the Pacific Island Countries and Territories (PICTs) and Fiji's role therein; (2) maps aid‐funded climate mobility initiatives in the Pacific Islands; and (3) explores Fiji's national polices and local Fijian perspectives on regional climate‐related immigration to Fiji. Methods and approach: This study draws on a combination of statistical analysis, policy document analysis, expert interviews, and semi‐structured interviews and an in‐depth online survey involving local Fijians. Additionally, it incorporates the author's personal work experience as a Pacific Islander and a Fijian traversing climate mobility aid and policy spaces relating to Oceania. Findings: Current aid policies and initiatives addressing climate mobility have insufficiently considered IPIM. Migration from other PICTs to Fiji is significant, both in terms of numbers and in its current and potential impacts on local Fijians. Neither research, nor Fiji's national policies, nor donors have sufficiently considered this issue to date. Policy implications: Aid policies and initiatives targeting climate‐related migration in PICTs need to be refocused to give more attention to IPIM. Donors must expand their support to migrant‐receiving communities in PICTs such as Fiji. By recognizing and investing in IPIM, donors can foster mutual benefits for Fiji, other PICTs, and donor countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]